Can Thinking Like the 1% Help Average Americans Fight Tax-Based Class Warfare?

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I guess congressional Republicans can justify the tax legislation barreling through both houses right now by assuming that not enough average people will pay close attention; that enough voters will hear “tax cuts” and assume they’re getting some, too.  How else could you think that raising taxes on millions of working- and middle-class families would be a good idea, and won’t result in an electoral wipeout in 2018?  It’s clearer than ever that the main constituency of the GOP is their rich donor class, who make out like bandits under the proposed tax plans.  They can try to sell it as a supply-side approach to goosing the economy, but at this stage of the game, I think the simplest explanation is the right one: they’re cutting taxes for their wealthy benefactors.

And why do rich people want their taxes cut?  Because they want to be even richer — certainly not because they want to create jobs.  This basic fact somehow gets obscured again and again, as if the essential fact of 1% greed had been placed in the witness protection program.  It’s not just on taxes that we see this; siphoning money to the top is the blueprint of our entire economy at this point.  If you thought we’d reached peak income inequality during the Obama administration, wait ‘til you see what the Trump years do to us, when the goal of transferring wealth upward has become the official policy of both elected branches of the U.S. government. 

Most horrifying to me are the proposals that seem to be deliberate attacks on the idea of the U.S. as a country of social mobility.  The repeal of the estate tax is Exhibit A; in the face of literally generations of consensus that the United States should not be a place of inherited, dynastic wealth, with all the threats to democracy such wealth poses, this Republican Congress apparently possesses a special wisdom that such fears are totally misplaced.  But you need look no further than this very tax plan to see that those fears are in fact spot-on.  To pay the bill for inheritance tax repeal, the tax code is rejiggered to attack the very deductions that help people climb into the middle class: the interest on college loans would no longer be deductible, employer educational contributions would be taxed, and other tuition breaks for grad students would be taxed as well.  And it’s plain as day that, as in the past, the GOP will use the deficits their misguided tax legislation creates as an excuse to slash programs that benefit the middle- and lower-class, perpetuating the spiraling divide between American have's and have-not’s.

But as I’m writing today, I’m feeling the difficulty of talking about taxes in a way that feels meaningful in the way it should, in the same way that I’ve been bothered by the unhelpful abstraction of words like “deficits” and “national debt” and all the ginormous numbers associated with the U.S. budget.  So let’s try this angle: I’m pretty sure the upper classes in this country clearly feel entitled to every penny they get in tax cuts.  Indeed, that’s why they demand that their Republican legislators pass this sort of law.  Meanwhile, the middle and working classes of the U.S. never seem to match the rich with equally strong tax cut demands — even though, unlike the rich, they could actually make good use of the money.  In one sense, this is a sign of societal health: average Americans recognize that they’re helped by various forms of government spending on social programs, and so the desire for lower taxes is balanced against wanting those programs to continue.  Put another way: ordinary people intuitively understand the idea of social goods, while many of the rich are essentially indifferent or even hostile to these goods, feeling themselves beyond the need of them.

I think one step that ordinary Americans should take at this point is, somewhat perversely, to get a little more aligned with the mindset of the upper class.  For the upper class, every penny that does not go directly into their pockets is viewed as outright theft, a violation of the natural laws of the universe.  The great broad swathe of the rest of America would do well to start thinking in an analogous way: every time a choice is made to reward the rich over the common, it is a form of theft from both their own pocketbooks and from our collective future.  All these programs that benefit ordinary people, from Obamacare to the mortgage deduction, aren’t programs that government has doled out to us: they are benefits that we, through our government, gave ourselves, as part of our collective effort, however imperfect, to build the society we want.  

The effects of the tax legislation in its current form will arguably be bigger in its overall damage to our common good than a repeal of Obamacare (see this Forbes article about some of the possible dire side effects of goosing a relatively high-performing economy and hampering our ability to respond to future downturns); yet while progressives hammered back repeated Obamacare repeal efforts, the outrage over the tax bills has so far been more muted.  I think this is because health care repeal is so specific and felt viscerally, while the effects of tax legislation are not only more general and diffuse, but are intentionally wrapped in abstraction by those who want to get away with the resulting unfairness.  That’s why I think it’s also important for people to acquaint themselves with the specific ways the tax legislation will hurt them and people they know, and to weigh this against the way it showers wealth upon those Americans who are hardly in desperate need of extra dollars.

I am really hoping for a Thanksgiving Hail Mary in the coming days, that people will feast with their families and friends and talk a little politics, and then re-brand Black Friday as the day Republican congressmen caught holy hell from their constituents, in a turkey leftovers-fueled barrage of democratic outrage.

Why Is Donald Trump So Uncharacteristically Worried About "Insulting" Vladimir Putin?

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At a session with reporters last week, President Trump addressed the ongoing investigations of Russian interference in the 2016 election.  He suggested that the Russia collusion story was a Democratic fabrication, that lives might be lost due to continued attention to the story, and that former intelligence officials who claimed its veracity were “hacks.”  Most provocatively, though, he spoke about his recent interactions with Russian President Vladimir Putin at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit: 

"Every time he sees me, he says, 'I didn't do that,' and I really believe that when he tells me that, he means it.  But he says, 'I didn't do that.'  I think he is very insulted by it, if you want to know the truth.  Don’t forget.  All he said was he never did that, he didn’t do that. I think he is very insulted by it, which is not a good thing for our country.”

Plenty of politicians and pundits have jumped on the president’s acceptance of Putin’s assertions as naive or dangerous — naive if the president actually believes Putin, and dangerous for implying his trust in the Russians over American intelligence and reporting.  But for the president to be naive is to assume that he doesn’t know any better, or doesn’t know about the Russian collusion with his campaign, both of which points are far from certain.  Along the same lines, the danger is not just from Trump inadvisedly trusting the Russians, but from what it says about the president’s overall entanglement with that country.  It’s hard to read the president’s remarks and not see him choosing at least to embrace the Russian version of events, which is deeply frightening considering the well-established fact that, putting aside the question of collusion for the moment, there is overwhelming evidence that the Russians interfered with the 2016 election and that they intend to continue such interference in the future.

But New York Daily Intelligencer writer Jonathan Chait has zeroed in on another part of Trump’s remarks — the part where he talks about how he thinks Putin is “insulted” by questions of Russian interference.  Chait asserts that this superficially odd wording suggests darker possibilities in terms of President Trump’s relationship to Russia.  First, he notes how out of keeping it is for Trump to worry about insulting another person — after all, Donald Trump’s main mode is one of dominance, in which insults of his enemies are tools of the trade; how odd for him to be worried about the feelings of another!  It is as if Putin is in the dominant Trumpian role, and the president doesn’t want to provoke him; as Chait evocatively describes it, “Trump is speaking to his country like a cowering mother warning her children not to upset their father.”

Chait brings up the possibility that the Russians have compromising materials of a sexual or financial nature on Trump, pointing to some of the more salacious allegations in the Steele memo.  This might nor might not be the case; but Trump’s most sensitive spot may just be the larger Russian influence effort in 2016, including the way it reached into his campaign; after all, this is a man who from day one has outwardly worried about his legitimacy and popularity on the basis of his popular vote loss and subpar inauguration crowds.  But the president’s otherwise odd desire not to anger Putin need not be entirely rational.  After all, no matter what the Russians say or do not say, the U.S. government and journalists have uncovered plenty of evidence that the Russians and the Trump campaign were working together.  Appealing to Putin as some sort of authority figure who might weigh in on his side could be seen as having a delusional cast, as if by puffing up Putin’s terrible power the Russian president’s denials could somehow overshadow the hard facts uncovered in the real world.

I will lay some of my cards out on the table here and say that I wonder, when we are looking back on these dangerous times with the advantage of hindsight, whether we will be struck by how obvious it all was: how a president compromised by a foreign country used the power of his office to derail investigations of that compromise; how when he spoke his strange, uncharacteristic words about the Russian president that sounded like he was scared of what Putin could do to him, there really was information possessed by the Russians that could do him great harm; that Trump, as dangerous as he was to our democracy, was also a criminal who could not help but telegraph his guilt through actions large and small, from his firing of an FBI director to his curious, self-implicating palaver.

Expulsion Revulsion

From just a quick glance at its title — “Don’t Be So Quick to Expel Roy Moore From the Senate” — you might think this post from Talking Points Memo’s Josh Marshall is simply a contrarian or even pro-Moore argument.  But in taking a deeper look at what is emerging as a major Republican discussion — that the Senate might move to expel Moore in the event of his election — Marshall highlights the assumptions and dangers of this possible plan of action.

He starts by pointing out that in all of U.S. history, only 15 senators have been expelled from the Senate — but 14 of those were senators who supported the Confederacy, and the other was a senator expelled in 1797 for conspiracy and treason.  In other words, all 15 were expelled for treason against the U.S.

Marshall’s central argument is that expulsion is a powerful tool that risks setting an extremely dangerous precedent for the Senate to nullify the will of a state’s voters.  He points out that while Moore’s behavior — not just his alleged behavior against several women, but in his time as a judge — is repugnant, he hasn’t actually been convicted of a crime.  The overwhelming factor driving Republicans to consider the expulsion option is that Moore is a political liability to the GOP; and to open the Pandora’s box of Senatorial expulsion to salve their embarrassment is a dangerous bargain.  If Republicans truly oppose Moore, Marshall says, there’s already a remedy — they can encourage voters to elect Moore’s opponent, Democrat Doug Jones (and as he goes on to say, the GOP has a good chance of re-taking the seat in 4 years anyway).

As it happens, I’d had the passing thought earlier today of whether it would be the worst thing in the world for Moore to be in the Senate if he were to defeat Jones, and have to admit I hadn’t thought too much about the downside of expulsion in itself.  But after reading Marshall’s piece, I think I may actually be more on the anti-expulsion train than he is (Marshall says he’s not 100% sure expulsion would be the wrong course of action — it seems he’s convinced me, but not himself!), for both the most cynical and most idealistic of reasons.

Let me preface what follows by saying that the best outcome by far is for Doug Jones to win this race; that’s why I’d encourage any readers who can spare a little cash to make a donation to Jones today.  But learning that the Senate has pretty much not expelled any senators except those who committed treason in the Civil War has grabbed my attention, bigly.  This is a quite anti-democratic power, particularly when applied to a senator who has just been elected; it is clearly a reversal of democratic processes for the Senate to block the will of voters in the matter of who represents them.  That it was previously used basically to defend our country against secession and the destruction of our democracy seems like the exception that proves the rule.

While the Senate does have the expulsion power under the Constitution, the fact that it’s a) only been used for acts of treason and b) is suddenly being considered by the increasingly anti-democratic GOP should be a big flashing warning sign that everyone needs to proceed with extreme caution and attention.  Once dusted off and employed in this special case, who’s to say that a Republican majority couldn’t use it to reject Democratic senators in the future — for instance, if a senator faced allegations similar to those Moore faces?  With Trump in the White House and the GOP continuing to enable his proto-authoritarian tendencies, such possibilities must be taken very seriously, even if just a few years ago it would have seemed paranoid to raise such questions.

I don’t think it’s a coincidence that such an extreme and anti-democratic maneuver is being considered by the current leaders of the Republican Party.  Some GOP members had already explored the possibility of delaying the Alabama vote, in order to provide more time for Republicans to replace Moore.  It sounds like the state's governor has the discretion to do so with a special election, but as many have pointed out, canceling elections is a banana republic con, not standard operating procedure in the U.S. of A.  And as The Hot Screen has pointed out too many times to count, the GOP’s increasingly anti-democratic tendencies are found in everything from racist voter suppression and gerrymandering to a Republican president who bashes our court system and seems not to care about defending our elections against Russian meddling.

So that’s the idealistic/patriotic argument against helping the GOP along its merry way to expelling Moore if, god forbid, he wins election (a decent number of Democrats would need to go along with an expulsion vote, as it requires a two-thirds majority).  Now here’s the partisan one: getting stuck with Roy Moore in the Senate is just the fate the Republican Party deserves, and one that would bring great potential benefits to the Democratic Party.  Moore is a monster of the GOP’s own making; he’s just a slightly more extreme version of the tendencies we already see throughout the party: the racism, the anti-Islam slurs, the hypocritical pseudo-Christian bullshit.  Also, in the past few days, he’s gone from being a figure who wasn’t so well known, to a person of national infamy — and why?  For being a pedophile and a sexual predator.  If Alabama votes him in, then such is the will of the people.  If the Democrats have to lose that race, then the consolation prize can be a new GOP senator who tars and feathers a hapless party that literally could not run a better candidate than a mendacious, absurdist holy roller whose basic attitude seems to have been, If it is not literally proscribed in the Ten Commandments monument that I erected at the Alabama state supreme court, then I can damned well do it to underage females.  Moore in the Senate would, somewhat ironically, be a powerful argument for why it’s time to return the GOP to the minority.

Embracing "Fake News" Lie, Supporters of Moore Make Themselves Accomplices to His Sexual Depredations

The ground has already shifted quite a bit since we weighed in this weekend about loathsome lothario Roy Moore.  A fifth woman has accused Moore of sexual impropriety, alleging that he sexually  assaulted her in 1977 when she was 16 years old.  There have also been reports that he was banned from an Alabama mall in the 1970‘s due to his habit of propositioning underage females.  And several Republican senators, including Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, have called for him to step aside in the Alabama Senate race.  Meanwhile, Moore remains defiant, saying he will be suing the Washington Post for running the story with the original allegations against him.

As many of Moore's supporters continue to defend him, Moore is using the Trumpian cudgel of "fake news" to defend against the charges, and the notion that the Washington Post and the media at large have made up these stories appears central to many supporters’ continued backing of his candidacy.  In this clash between an extremely well-reported and -documented piece of journalism, and Moore’s baseless accusations that the Post is simply out to get him, we see the right-wing ploy of “fake news” in all its moral bankrupcty and anti-democratic splendor.  In disregarding the accusations as part of a larger elite conspiracy, Moore’s supporters have been recruited as accomplices to his immoral and illegal actions.  Unable to see outside a framework of propaganda and manipulation, they are made to abet the depredations of a troubled but powerful man.  Unable to accept facts over ideology, they are made into dupes and fools.  This is what the fake news lie ultimately delivers to the right: a cadre of citizens who cannot separate fact from fiction, and who become the enablers of agendas that foil the common interest and defy basic morality.  We see it with Moore, and we see it with Trump.  When a politician cries fake news, be assured that he or she has something to hide.

Hedging on Accused Child Molester Roy Moore Shows Power is All That Matters to GOP

A month ago, we made a case here that the Democrats should make a real run for the Senate seat in Alabama vacated by Attorney General Jeff Sessions.  Republican candidate Roy Moore, though popular in the state, embodied so many un-democratic, un-American beliefs that disqualified him for office that that Democrats’ had a baseline moral obligation to oppose him.  There were also urgent political considerations as well: Moore would help push the GOP even further to the right, not simply into deeper conservatism, but to a place of theocratic radicalism and clearly un-Constitutional aims.

To briefly review some of this man’s greatest hits: Moore argued that Representative Keith Ellison should not be allowed into Congress simply because he’s Muslim, and has also argued, against all facts and common sense, that Sharia law has been imposed in the states of Illinois and Indiana.  As chief justice of the Alabama Supreme Court, he installed a massive sculpture of the Ten Commandments at his courthouse, and then was removed from office when he flouted an order to remove it.  After a political comeback and return to his position as chief justice several years later, he was suspended for disobeying a federal court when he directed other state judges to continue enforcing a state ban on same-sex marriage.  And as for his proposals for what he’d do if elected, they run like usual right-wing fare: tax ideas that would penalize the poor and benefit the wealthy, elimination of Obamacare, more persecution of non-straight members of the military.  

Matthew Yglesias has written a pretty decisive article that hits on some of the points we had made, plus a bunch of additional important ones.  First, he outlines the benefits to the Democrats from engaging more fully in this race: not only would they be taking a stand against retrograde ideas and arguing for their own principles, which is good for the party’s identity generally, it would also help build the Democrats’ strength in Alabama over the longer term even if Democratic candidate Doug Jones loses.  Yglesias also makes the very crucial point that Democratic focus on this election will force the Republicans to place energy and resources in it as well, which will increase the degree to which the GOP becomes more generally associated with Moore’s hideousness.

He also points out that Doug Jones is a strong candidate with a legitimate chance at winning this race.  As a U.S. attorney, Jones headed up the prosecution of Eric Rudolph, the domestic terrorist who bombed the Atlanta Olympics, abortion clinics, and a gay bar.  Jones also prosecuted and gained the convictions of KKK members involved in the murder of four African-American girls in the 1963 bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham.

Yglesias’ article had persuaded us that the case for running hard against Moore was already airtight.  But then the Washington Post broke its story about pedophilia allegations against Moore, and what had been merely an airtight case became an overwhelming moral and political necessity for the Democratic Party.  Please read the Washington Post report.  To The Hot Screen, it seems entirely credible and well-documented.  Based on recent interviews with these women, the article recounts Moore’s dating of four teenage girls back in the 1970’s.  The details are internally consistent, deeply creepy, and morally repugnant.  One of the women, who was 14 at the time, describes sexual contact with Moore, who was 32 at the time.  Such contact would have been a crime in Alabama in the 1970's, and would be a crime now.  Moore denies all the allegations, and has no plans to step aside from the race.

It’s not just that the Post has provided strong evidence that Moore committed sex crimes — which hideously explode his pretensions to upright Christian behavior and any possible claims to hold political office in one grotesque swoop — but that the Republican Party as a whole has now implicated itself in his moral turpitude by its foundering response to the allegations.  While a few senators have withdrawn their endorsements of Moore, a few more have condemned him as unfit for office, and the National Republican Senatorial Committee has withdrawn from its joint fundraising agreement with the campaign, the larger Republican establishment has hedged its bets.  Many GOP politicians say that Moore should step aside if the allegations are true — but what standard of proof would they ever accept, given that they’ve largely signed on to Donald Trump’s fiction that the media is simply fake news?  And the statute of limitations has run out on Moore’s alleged crimes, so this will never be resolved in court.

It is no surprise, given the numerous accusations of sexual harassment and worse against Donald Trump, that the White House qualified its statement on Moore by saying that “Like most Americans the president believes we cannot allow a mere allegation, in this case one from many years ago, to destroy a person’s life,” even as it said that “Judge Moore will do the right thing and step aside” if the allegations are true.

But it only goes downhill for the GOP from here.  Where approval or condemnation of Moore’s alleged behavior really counts, in Alabama, prominent members of the state Republican Party have issued insane and abhorrent defenses of Moore.  State Auditor Jim Zeigler attempted to defend the candidate by citing, of all things, the story of Mary and Joseph.  As in, the Bible story.  “Mary was a teenager and Joseph was an adult carpenter," said Zeigler.  "They became the parents of Jesus.”  Now, I’ve seen some smart progressives go full Bible exegesis in attempting to rebut Zeigler’s point, and I don’t begrudge them this approach (and yes, the fact that Zeigler is unfamiliar with the immaculate conception is odd).  But I don’t think we need to get into the theological weeds about the nature of the relationship between Jesus’ parents to say that when someone tries to defend pedophilia because it’s supposedly in the Bible, you have launched your political party into an embrace of such gross stupidity, moral grotesquerie, and universally-condemned practices that no further discussion is necessary.  

Then there are two county chairmen who say that they’d support Moore even if the allegations are true.  Let’s quote the Toronto Star at length here to get the full impact of their positions, in their own words:

Five Republican county chairmen told the Star they believed the allegations were false. One of them, moreover, said he would vote for Moore even if there were proof Moore had abused a girl.

“I would vote for Judge Moore because I wouldn’t want to vote for Doug,” said Bibb County chairman Jerry Pow. “I’m not saying I support what he did.”

Covington County chairman William Blocker also said he’d consider voting for Moore even if hard evidence of sexual abuse emerged.

“There is no option to support Doug Jones, the Democratic nominee. When you do that, you are supporting the entire Democrat party,” he said.

Geneva County chairman Riley Seibenhener said he did not think Moore should withdraw even if the allegations were true.

“Other than being with an underage person — he didn’t really force himself,” Seibenhener said. “I know that’s bad enough, but I don’t know. If he withdraws, it’s five weeks to the election . . . that would concede it to the Democrat.”

“It was 40 years ago,” said Marion County chairman David Hall. “I really don’t see the relevance of it. He was 32. She was supposedly 14.” He added, incorrectly, “She’s not saying that anything happened other than they kissed.”

“He didn’t really force himself.”  Let that sink in for a bit.  Ultimately, apart from playing the fake news angle against the Washington Post and other reports, this is the logic that the GOP as a whole would have us embrace: That no crime against women is ever possible.  That women always lie.  That a grown man could not possibly have forced himself on an underage girl.  This isn’t really logic, though, but an ideology of misogyny, hate, and power.

Under Alabama election rules, it's too late for the GOP to choose another candidate for the Senate race (though some state legislators floated the utterly undemocratic idea of delaying the election, only to have the idea shut down by the governor); at best, it seems that they could suggest a write-in candidate, such as primary loser Luther Strange — but it seems likely this approach would guarantee a Democratic victory.  This likely loss if he drops off the ballot may help explain some of the GOP intransigence on Moore, but not in their favor.  The Republicans Party is willing to literally put an accused child molester in office, so long as he's a reliable vote.  If the GOP won’t disown Roy Moore, then it would be political malpractice for the Democratic Party not to hang this fake moralizer around the neck of the Party, for the duration of this race, and, God forbid, afterwards, were he to win election to the Senate.  

Pondering the Connections Between Sexism and Our Current Political Crossroads

Some recent pieces of writing have provided powerful orientation and insight around the sexual harassment scandals that have been cascading into our culture and collective consciousness ever since the New York Times Harvey Weinstein exposé helped blast the door a month ago.  Roxane Gay’s “Dear Men: It’s You, Too” concisely links together the way individual responses to sexual harassment and sexual violence work to sustain a societal environment where such behavior is rampant.  The essay is something of a primer on the subject: how it’s about power, not sex; the ways women justify acceptance of this behavior by men; and perhaps most strikingly, how men continue to shape the discussion about how to respond to these evils.  Referring to the anonymous on-line list that circulated for a few days identifying male harassers and abusers, and to its critics, Gay remarks, “More energy was spent worrying about how men were affected than worrying about the pain women have suffered.”  Indeed.

Though she’s aware of the ways women contort and accommodate themselves to widespread harassment and predation, Gay places blame for the problem squarely on men.  “It’s time for men to start answering for themselves because women cannot possibly solve this problem they had no hand in creating.”  As a remedy, she asks that individual men begin owning up to the harms they’ve caused women, and that men who have witnessed such acts actually talk about it.  In identifying the overriding male role in this issue, and identifying some common-sense openings that will surely be resisted by the great majority of men, she gets at the paradoxical and maddening dynamics of behavior that is officially verboten but unofficially condoned.  Men need to change; but how will that happen?

In an essay titled “Our National Narratives Are Still Being Shaped by Lecherous, Powerful Men,” Rebecca Traister highlights the flood of recent reports of sexual harassment in the news media, which include allegations against notables such as journalist Mark Halperin and New Republic literary editor Leon Wieseltier.  She also importantly points out that for every story of such abuse being reported, there are dozens not making it to publication for various reasons, including the relative lack of status of the perpetrators.  Traister makes the case that there is a deep and irrefutable connection between the sexual attitudes of these pundits and critics, and many others like them, and the way their institutions have covered politics and the arts.  She writes:     

In hearing these individual tales, we’re not only learning about individual trespasses but for the first time getting a view of the matrix in which we’ve all been living: We see that the men who have had the power to abuse women’s bodies and psyches throughout their careers are in many cases also the ones in charge of our political and cultural stories [. . .] The media is breaking the news here; the media is also deeply implicated in this news and still shaping how the tale is getting told.

That final observation feels disorientingly true to me: even in this moment of massive airing of individual stories, the very way they’re being reported and framed is something that everyone should be conscious of.  As a concrete example of this phenomenon, Traister zeroes in on Halperin:

They are also the men with the most power to determine what messages get sent about politicians to a country that then chooses between those politicians in elections.  Mark Halperin co-authored Game Change, the soapy account of the 2008 election (excerpted in this magazine), which featured all kinds of history-making candidates who were not powerful white men.  Halperin’s view of Hillary Clinton in particular was two-dimensional: Through his lens, she was a grasping and scandal-plagued woman; her exaggerated misdeeds and the intense feelings she engendered were all part of propelling his profitable narrative forward.  His coverage of Trump, meanwhile, in this last campaign cycle, was notably soft, even admiring: Halperin once argued that the sexual-assault claims leveled at Trump would only help the now-president’s brand [. . .] Yet his view of the history we’ve just lived through was the one that was amplified and well compensated; there was not just the book deal but Showtime and HBO deals, too, and a regular perch on Morning Joe.

Traister judges the damage not just in the past, but actively shaping our reality through the present:

We cannot retroactively resituate the women who left jobs, who left their whole careers because the navigation of the risks, these daily diminutions and abuses, drove them out. Nor can we retroactively see the movies they would have made or the art they would have promoted, or read the news as they might have reported it.

This tsunami of stories doesn’t just reveal the way that men have grabbed and rubbed and punished and shamed women; it shows us that they did it all while building the very world in which we still have to live.

I’ve also been particularly affected by recent pieces about close encounters with Harvey Weinstein written by a pair of actors turned writer/producer/directors whom I've been a big fan of for years.  As Sarah Polley recounts, hers took place when she was 19 years old — before she’d embarked on her directing career, but at a point when her acting ambitions were dialed back in part because of the sexism she’d already encountered in filmmaking.  She refused Weinstein’s advances, but notes that she may well have responded differently had she seen herself as primarily an actress; in part, she was immunized by her alternate ambitions, as well as by having encountered episodes of sexism before.  And as she began to direct movies, she began to grasp “how little respect” she had received as an actress; in an ironic turn of events, though, her experience directing Julie Christie in Away From Her was so positive that Polley decided to give acting another try.  Unfortunately, she discovered that as an actress, her status remained a diminished one; she writes that, "One producer, when I mentioned I didn’t feel a rape scene was being handled sensitively, barked that Dakota Fanning had done a rape scene when she was 12 — 'And she’s fine!' A debatable conjecture, surely."  This exchange seems like something out a grim Hollywood satire, yet it was part of Polley’s reality.  

Brit Marling relates a traumatizing meeting with Weinstein that took place after she’d already co-written and starred in two movies.  As she recounts, she’d headed down the writing path partly because of her dissatisfaction with the sexist power dynamics of Hollywood; she’d concluded that to shift those dynamics for herself, she’d have to be the one telling the stories.  It was her success that had gained the attention of Weinstein, or so she thought.  Marling concludes that she was able to walk out of the encounter — which echoes the sleazy come-on’s recounted by so many women at this point — without giving in to Weinstein’s advances because her identity as a writer meant that at a fundamental level, Weinstein could not blacklist her creative endeavors, as he’d be able to do were she only an actress.  Like Polley, then, she’s acutely aware of the way her own particular circumstances protected her from making a different decision that day.  But Marling digs deeper into the question of consent in such encounters, arguing that an economics perspective is key.  She writes: 

Weinstein was a gatekeeper who could give actresses a career that would sustain their lives and the livelihood of their families. He could also give them fame, which is one of few ways for women to gain some semblance of power and voice inside a patriarchal world.  They knew it.  He knew it.  Weinstein could also ensure that these women would never work again if they humiliated him.  That’s not just artistic or emotional exile — that’s also economic exile [. . .] [C]onsent is a function of power.  You have to have a modicum of power to give it.  In many cases women do not have that power because their livelihood is in jeopardy and because they are the gender that is oppressed by a daily, invisible war waged against all that is feminine — women and humans who behave or dress or think or feel or look feminine.

Like Traister, Marling zeroes in on the way that men, very much including men with actively sexist frameworks for viewing and acting in the world, structure our sense of reality.  This reality informed her decision to write scripts, and it’s part of what she sees as the way out for our society — for people to begin changing the stories we tell (to borrow the title of a Sarah Polley film):

Another important step forward would be for all of us to start telling and consuming different stories. If you don’t want to be a part of a culture in which sexual abuse and harassment are rampant, don’t buy a ticket to a film that promotes it.

Part of what keeps you sitting in that chair in that room enduring harassment or abuse from a man in power is that, as a woman, you have rarely seen another end for yourself.  In the novels you’ve read, in the films you’ve seen, in the stories you’ve been told since birth, the women so frequently meet disastrous ends.  The real danger inside the present moment, then, would be for us all to separate the alleged deeds of Cosby, Ailes, O’Reilly, or Weinstein from a culture that continues to allow for dramatic imbalances of power.  It’s not these bad men.  Or that dirty industry.  It’s this inhumane economic system of which we are all a part.  As producers and as consumers.  As storytellers and as listeners.  As human beings.  That’s a very uncomfortable truth to sit inside.  But perhaps discomfort is what’s required to move in the direction of a humane world to which we would all freely give our consent.

As Marling indicts our economic system as a root cause of this pervasive and ongoing assault on women’s persons and dignity, you get a sense of why our culture may be stuck, why it’s been so repressed and schizoid on these harassment and assault issues for so long.  Being able to exploit women is indeed an economic benefit to the exploiters; but conversely, to begin to truly push back against the degradation of women means to ask serious questions about the larger system that is incentivizing such exploitation.  As Polley notes, “What else have we accepted that, somewhere within us, we know is deeply unacceptable? And what, now, will we do about it?”  In the snowballing series of allegations since the Weinstein story exploded, it seems that women are collectively deciding that the harassment is no longer acceptable, has in fact never been acceptable.

In the Gay essay I began with, she notes that women often rationalize their abuse “because that is what we need to tell ourselves, because if we were to face how bad it really is, we might not be able to shoulder the burden for one moment longer.”  But I am wondering if we are at the point where women are facing how bad it really is, but rather than collapsing under the burden they no longer want to shoulder, are throwing it off, and letting the cards fall where they might.  I read somewhere that there must be a connection between Donald Trump’s evasion of sexual assault charges and subsequent election, and the absolute shitstorm that has engulfed Weinstein and so many other famous and not-so-famous figures.  I’ve seen a lot of worry, expressed by both men and women, that we’re just going to go back to business as usual; but nothing on this scale of truth-telling has happened before.  Who ever said that revolutions can’t take us by surprise sometimes?  Trump’s election was a political earthquake that told us that the tectonic plates of our country had shifted without enough people taking notice; what we’re seeing now may be evidence that not all the tectonic shifts have been bad, and that many, many people have yet to have their say.

The Civil War Remains a Battleground of American Politics

Spurred by White House Chief of Staff John Kelly’s recent remarks on how a lack of “compromise” helped cause the Civil War, New Republic’s Jeet Heer is making the case that arguments over the causes and morality of that conflict are ones that progressives should whole-heartedly engage in.  As he summarizes,

Some analysts think such debates over history only serve to empower Trump, giving him a phony culture war to distract from his political failures. But Trumpism is a byproduct of the unfinished conflicts produced by the Civil War; thus, combatting Trumpism requires combatting this pernicious view of the war.  Avoiding the subject would cede the central narrative of American history to people like Trump, and would fatally damage our ability to understand and fight one of our core political problems: the endurance of racism in America.

Heer provides a good rundown of how the idea that extremists and failed compromises led to the Civil War has actually dominated historical thinking for long stretches of time, and of how views of the war expose two opposing sides in American narrative-making: those who believe that our societal differences can always be “solved by white people finding common ground,” and those who believe “racism is deeply embedded in American society and can’t be defeated without a fight.”

This conflict is obviously also being played out in the ongoing battles over the presence of monuments to the Confederacy throughout the South, where their defenders’ vague references to protecting “our heritage” mask the white supremacist origins and current racist message of these statues.  We can’t allow apologists for treason and racism to set the terms of this debate; we can’t let them hide behind anodyne generalities in their defense, and need to make explicit what they’d rather keep at the level of dog-whistle politics.  They are playing with fire in their defense of the Confederacy, and we need to make sure they burn themselves, badly.  This cause gains even greater importance when you consider how important racism and white nationalism are for Donald Trump and the Republican Party as a whole; indeed, in its transformation into a white nationalist party in the mold of the Trump-Bannon vision for America, the GOP is beginning to look more and more like a one-trick pony — except, in place of the pony, you should feel free to substitute the image of a horse, astride which sits a defeated Confederate general stained with pigeon shit. 

Scenes from a Panicking White House

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One of the more twisted dynamics of the Trump presidency has been the disjunction between the tremendous power his position carries and the overwhelming evidence of his utter incompetence.  In some ways, since last November, our collective political life has been like some unfilmed Twilight Zone episode in which a toddler has been granted authority over mankind, with all sorts of mayhem ensuing (or was that an actual episode?).  But according to the latest reporting from Gabriel Sherman in Vanity Fair, in a piece titled “You Can’t Go Any Lower: Inside the West Wing, Trump is Apoplectic as Allies Fear Impeachment,” White House staff now see impeachment as a concrete possibility; it appears that Robert Mueller’s first indictments have made his threat to the president into a reality for many of them.  And while The Hot Screen has previously suggested the near-certainty of Trump firing the special prosecutor, Sherman’s interviews indicate that at least some of the president’s advisors are aware that firing Mueller would carry extreme risks.

Beyond this, he also reports that as staff is taking the existential threat posed by the investigation more seriously, they’re also beginning to act in ways to distance themselves from anything Russia-related, for instance leaving the room if the topic of Russia arises.  Signs of a split between the president’s indications that he believes the Mueller investigation is illegitimate, and his staff’s perceptions of their own real legal peril, are a net positive: while some might side with the president in taking desperate measures to stave off the threat, others might be willing to spill the beans on whatever they know in order to avoid further enmeshment in presidential shenanigans.  Exhibit A for willingness to blab is Sherman’s article itself, which is sourced from half a dozen White House staffers. 

Not for the first time, Trump’s worries and criticisms around Mueller seem to indicate in one go extreme stupidity, obvious guilt, and a lack of concern about Russian meddling in the election that is suggestive of many things, none of them good.  The president has apparently, to his own advisers, complained that Clinton has not received the same sort of investigation as himself.  Does the man not understand that he’s the president, not Hillary Clinton?  That he won the election?  It is one thing for the president to tweet attacks about Hillary’s collusion with the Russians, another thing for him to actually believe that Hillary has committed crimes and express this thought to his staff.  That he may have convinced himself of his own lies is yet another brand of incompetence — as if we needed any more!  As somewhat of a side note, it’s also gratifying to read about how the president is blaming his son-in-law, Jared Kushner, for some of his extremely bad decisions — good to see that nepotism thing backfiring in a big way, and Trump refusing to take responsibility for his own actions, to boot. 

Sherman’s reporting on White House deliberations regarding its response to the Mueller investigation backs up the sense that these guys don’t have a master plan — but they also reinforce the degree to which this presidency has placed itself in opposition to the rule of law and to putting the country’s interests ahead of the president’s.  This is most obvious in the camp that wants to essentially go to war with Mueller.  Intriguingly, and counter to the perception that nearly every GOP member of Congress lives in fear of the Trump-loyal base, unofficial advisor Steve Bannon believes that “establishment Republicans are waiting for a chance to impeach Trump,” according to a Bannon confidante.  More persuasively, Bannon sees Trump’s power slipping, and even went so far as to do a quick analysis of which Cabinet members might or might not vote to remove the president from office via the 25th Amendment.

The biggest mistake that progressives and other opponents made in the 2016 election was to underestimate Trump.  But now, for the first time, The Hot Screen wonders if there’s actually a danger of overestimating him.  The Democrats have been stuck in an odd political zone, where the same party that includes people calling for Trump’s impeachment also includes people like Senator Charles Schumer, who has indicated a willingness to work with the president.  If Trump’s own people are worrying about impeachment by Republicans, shouldn’t Democrats be getting more aggressive in their attacks on the president?

General Kelly Doubles Down on Trumpism, White Supremacism; A Nation Retches

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I guess one silver lining in General John Kelly’s alliance with Donald Trump is the object lesson it provides about why it’s so very important to keep generals away from the levers of power in our democracy.  Certainly beginning with his appointment as the chief of staff, Kelly’s military background has leant credibility to an unfit president; there seemed to be almost a bipartisan approval of Kelly being able to bring military precision to the running of the office.  But it was his defense of President Trump around the president’s controversial call to the widow of Sgt. La David Johnson that saw Kelly inject a nasty dose of militarism into the body politic.  As Talking Points Memo summarized, Kelly managed to suggest that members of the armed forces are more fully citizens than other Americans; adopted the rhetorical stance that attacks on Donald Trump are no different than attacks on American soldiers; and more generally threw his lot in with the president’s retrograde agenda of Making American Great Again through a return to a mythical past era.  And this is to say nothing of marshalling his military-infused credibility to attack Representative Frederica Wilson with a series of lies, which he has refused to recant.

Now the general has amazingly done himself one better, going on Fox News to discuss Robert E. Lee as an “honorable” man and claiming that the Civil War was caused by a lack of compromise; in doing so, he’s embracing the white supremacism that’s at the heart of Trump’s rancid agenda.  As Josh Marshall notes, Kelly is “an example of what we might call Total Quality Trumpism, Trumpist ideology in a more disciplined, duty-focused, professional package. The core ideology and beliefs about reclamation and rectitude are the same. It’s not an accident that he ended up in the tightest circle of Trump’s orbit.”  I think another angle on this is that we are being given glaring evidence that members of the military should never be viewed as neutral protectors of the public trust.  Kelly clearly has political opinions, and they are despicable ones; yet his military background obscures this in the eyes of both the media and the public at large.  For him to appear on TV and promote a white supremacist take on the Civil War is, not to mince words, grotesque.  That he does so with the aura of the authority of a general of the U.S. Army, and as a supposedly technocratic Chief of Staff, is something that calls for widespread public contempt and repudiation.

Thankfully there are some among us who have already risen to the challenge.  Writer Ta-Nehisi Coates demonstrates the utility of rapid-response tweetstorms in this barrage, which weaves historical reference and a deep understanding of the issues at play into a brutal and memorable refutation of this scary general’s blatherings.  No quarter for Confederacy apologists; no quarter for white supremacism: not in the White House, not in the Pentagon, not in our country.

Threats Against Journalists Only Come From Democracy's Enemies

Two horrifying events this past month — one involving actual violence, the other the threat of it — provide vivid demonstrations that a free press is only as free so long as a society is willing to defend it.  First, on October 16, a car bomb in Malta was used to assassinate Daphne Caruana Galizia, a journalist who had been deeply involved with investigating the scandalous Panama Papers.  Galizia had also been a harsh critic of Malta’s prime minister.  A few days later, thousands of miles away, a Republican official in Montana named Karen Marshall asserted on a radio show that she “would have shot” a journalist previously assaulted by GOP candidate Greg Gianforte.  Following his literal attack on The Guardian reporter Ben Jacobs, Gianforte had still managed to be elected as Montana’s sole member to the House of Representatives, lending a voter seal of approval to his violence. (He ended up pleading guilty to misdemeanor assault; his punishment was a $385 fine, community service, and anger management classes.)

The assassination of Galizia illustrates the simultaneously powerful and vulnerable position a free press occupies in a democracy.  In covering segments of our society like politics and business, journalists can expose malfeasance and effectively lay bare the sins of the powerful; in the best case scenario, they help provide a truth-based framework in which citizens can understand what is happening in their world.  But the press’ role is one that ultimately depends on their ability to go about their business without fear of reprisals, up to and including violence against them.  A free press is one of the lynchpins of the notion that a democracy will sort out its conflicts through words, debates, and elections, not through violence.  Galizia’s killing, though, is a reminder that it is democracy’s laws that protects journalists, nothing more; in reality, the powerful or the guilty can always violate those rules.

But when this happens, it needs to be seen for what it is: an attack on a democracy’s foundations, on those who make it possible to conduct democracy’s business in the first place.  Killing a journalist is a particularly specious crime, to my mind somewhat akin to targeting a doctor or teacher because of their profession — an attack on someone who serves the public interest, and whose role is by definition objective and non-violent.

By comparison to the killing of Galizia, Karen Marshall’s comments might seem simply unhinged or intemperate — but coming on top of an actual previous act of violence against Jacobs, they are particularly grotesque and noteworthy.  Gianforte had already physically assaulted this reporter, but the injuries Jacobs sustained were apparently not enough to sate Marshall's blood lust — only death will do for the hapless journalist.  Her statement is also notable because it’s yet another manifestation of an anti-free press stance running from the very top of the Republican Party.  Donald Trump’s presidential campaign was chock full of rallies in which he incited resentment and even violence against reporters, to the point that various journalists found themselves the targets of taunts and threats from thousands of his supporters.  This flirtation with violence against reporters remains to my mind one of the most damning facts of Donald Trump’s political trajectory, one that renders him unfit for political office in our democracy.  As noted above, to assault reporters is to assault our democracy; even to come up to that line without actually crossing it is beyond contempt.  Part of the horror of Trump's election is that such behavior was rewarded, not punished, with dire consequences we are experiencing on literally a daily basis.

All around the world, reporters are murdered for doing their jobs.  According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, eighteen were murdered in 2016 alone; including Galizia, ten have been killed so far in 2017.  To threaten violence against journalists cannot be treated as mere bloviation by sadistic politicians.  When Republican politicians suggest importing such violence into our country, it’s another sign that the GOP hasn't simply lost its way, but has shifted to an authoritarian mindset incompatible with American democracy.  The emerging strains of violence towards a free press are not signs of the right’s growing strength, but of its moral bankruptcy and ultimately, its weakness.  Unable to make a case for its cause in democracy’s language, introducing the threat of violence against the physical persons of journalists is a glaring sign of its abandonment of democracy.  

The Pain of Presidential Lies

In an opinion piece about President Trump’s false claim that previous presidents didn’t call Gold Star families, Paul Waldman hits on a point that’s been gnawing at me in much more fragmentary and less eloquent form for a while now.  Assessing the consequences of the president's ceaseless lying in the context of Trump's conversation with the widow of Sgt. La David Johnson and its aftermath, he describes the cycle of political fragmentation these lies propagate: 

Now here’s why this matters. Yes, many news outlets pointed out that Trump wasn’t telling the truth. But there are probably three interns at Fox News who are now scouring old news reports to find some family member of a fallen soldier who didn’t get a call from Obama.  If they find it, that person’s story will then become the subject of a segment on Sean Hannity’s show, and it will then get retold on a hundred talk radio programs and conservative websites as proof that Obama was a monster and the media are all lying about this.  (Trump’s insistence that there was “fake news” at work is another way of telling his supporters not to believe whatever they hear about this subject that comes from sources not explicitly supporting him.)  And I promise you that if you took a poll two weeks from now, you’d find that 40 percent of the public (or more) believes that Obama never called the family of any fallen soldier, and only Trump has the sensitivity to do so.

And that’s how Trump takes his own particular combination of ignorance, bluster and malice, and sets it off like a nuclear bomb of misinformation.  The fallout spreads throughout the country, and no volume of corrections and fact checks can stop it. It wasn’t even part of a thought-out strategy, just a loathsome impulse that found its way out of the president’s mouth to spread far and wide.

If you’re one of those who marvel at the fact that Trump’s approval ratings aren’t even lower than they are, this is a big reason for that.  It’s absolutely necessary to correct Trump’s falsehoods, but we shouldn’t fool ourselves into believing that any poisonous lie he tells won’t find an eager audience.  And the whole country gets dumber and dumber.

This is one of the single most frightening confluences of our political moment: that we have entered a stage where an enormous percentage of the American people are susceptible to what we should rightly call political propaganda, propagated by an extremely extensive right-wing media apparatus, at the same time that we have a president who lies as easily as he breathes.  As Waldman would no doubt agree, not only does the whole country get dumber and dumber, but it gets more polarized as well, based on mutually contradictory bodies of evidence. 

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There are reasons for this state of affairs beyond the right-wing propaganda machine, most of which have nothing at all to do with Donald Trump, and which many smart people have explored, documented, and theorized upon, such as a generalized loss of faith in institutions.  But as others have also noted, Trump has skillfully exploited and accelerated a pre-existing situation.  A recent poll by Politico provides more hard evidence for the widespread lack of faith in news sources and a belief that the media lies about the president: 46% of voters said they believe the news media makes up stories about Trump, including 76% of Republican voters and a startling 44% of independents. (In an unexpected twist, Trump himself tweeted about the 46% figure — not to bemoan it, of course, but to praise it, as a positive sign that people don't believe what the media reports.)

Waldman's piece crystalized for me why all the lies coming out of Trump's mouth are so painful and angering to hear.  Words that to me further confirm Trump's unfitness are heard by other people as further evidence that he's the perfect man for the job; uncorrected, these lies poison the possibility of rational dialogue in our politics.  We are in desperate need of innovative ways to fight the lies, and to revive common faith in a free press.

According to the White House, We Should Make Fun of Representative Frederica Wilson for How She Dresses. Maybe We Should Thank Her For Her Public Service Instead?

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Until a few days ago, The Hot Screen had never heard of Democratic Representative Frederica Wilson.  Now, as the Trump White House zeroes in on her as its African-American target du jour, in an attempt to move the discussion away from his lies about contacts with Gold Star families, his slander against previous presidents, and why the hell U.S. troops are now fighting in Niger, articles like this one are giving us some background on Wilson’s character and career.  Both President Trump and Chief of Staff Kelly have slandered her as “wacky” and a showboat, yet her history of public service (including involvement in education and work to help disadvantaged youth) show that these two men are way off the mark.  And the fact that she actually knew and had helped La David Johnson before he joined the military, and is a friend of the family, is important context for understanding her involvement with them following Johnson’s death.  

The article summarizes some of her political work this way:

[The] technicolor clothes and flashy demeanor belies the grim legacy that made her an icon in the African-American community in Florida and, now, the nation: her advocacy for young black men, particularly those who end up dead. Since her time in the Florida legislature, Wilson’s political identity has been forged by fights — often with a white, male-dominated establishment — to figure out what happened to them and why.  

In recounting her political career, the article also notes Wilson’s involvement with a Florida legislature investigation into the beating death of a teenager at a boot camp in the state; according to the attorney for the boy’s family, the public relations tactics used to draw attention to that killing were subsequently employed after the killing of Trayvon Martin (Martin was from Wilson’s district).  Wilson also founded a nonprofit program for at-risk African-American youth, a program in which Johnson had participated.

In a tweet today, Donald Trump has continued his attacks on Wilson, writing, “Wacky Congresswoman Wilson is the gift that keeps on giving for the Republican Party, a disaster for Dems.  You watch her in action & vote R!"  This tweet continues Trump’s recent tendency to more or less plainly state the political intent of his twitters — in this case, letting us know that his attacks on Wilson are indeed all about political gain for himself and his party.  He’s probably right that attacks on the Congressperson will rally his base; The Hot Screen is less sure that most people who do indeed “watch her in action” as she pursues inquiries about what’s going on in Nigeria won’t find her reasonable questions preferable to the president’s self-serving evasions.  The Hot Screen is also not so certain that it’s the Democrats who are facing disaster at this point, when it’s actually the president who not only lied about his contacts with Gold Star families, but has also engaged in a series of new lies to cover his tracks. 

When George W. Turns Up, It's Our Patriotic Duty to Tune Out

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I doubt that I’m the only person who, in the early days of the Trump presidency, fevered with desperate patriotism and fervent hope that the center might still hold, at some point imagined that our living former presidents might issue some sort of joint statement against Donald Trump, in the event we were to reach an unforeseen precipice of dingbat authoritarianism in the not-too-distant future.  It would be a sort of torch of executive celebrity and authority held up against the darkness of our reality TV chief exec.  I wasn’t sure what they’d say or do, exactly: but it would be decisive in moving public opinion.  

I also doubt I’m the only person who felt a falling of spirit when we realized that this scenario necessarily involved the participation of the irredeemable George W. Bush.  

I’m reminded today of this presidents-to-the-rescue fantasy by Dubya’s rare political speech at the George W. Bush Institute, in which his remarks included more or less explicit criticisms of the current president:

"Our identity as a nation, unlike other nations, is not determined by geography or ethnicity, by soil or blood [. . .] This means that people from every race, religion, ethnicity can be full and equally American.  It means that bigotry and white supremacy, in any form, is blasphemy against the American creed.”

I’m willing to grant that Bush is indeed speaking in reference to Donald Trump — but I’m far less willing to grant his words any importance, much less any moral authority.

George W. Bush’s abuse of the public trust in the wake of the terrifying 9/11 attacks is one of the most immoral, consequential, and disastrous acts in all of American history.  Not only did he greenlight the invasion of Afghanistan, leading to what is now the longest war in U.S. history, but his administration subsequently lied and manipulated the country into invading Iraq — a country that had absolutely zero connection to 9/11 and next to zero involvement with any actual terrorist threat to the U.S.  His administration suggested Iraqi connections to 9/11 — those were lies.  His administration suggested that Iraq was close to developing nuclear weapons — those were also lies.

The disastrous consequences of this decision reverberate to the current day, among which must be counted the hundreds of thousands of Iraqi dead, along with the thousands of American servicemen and servicewomen lost in a war whose ultimate purpose became to patch up the consequences of George W.’s catastrophically stupid decision to start the war in the first place.  

Not only did W. gin up a war on false pretenses, he then oversaw an invasion and occupation of Iraq in which idiocy vied with incompetence for first prize, in which the president’s stated vision for a democratic Iraq was in no way matched by the application of the appropriate resources or strategy.  This is all well-documented, and as I’ve already said, the human toll is nearly incomprehensible.  This is to say nothing of the destabilization of the greater Middle East as a consequence of the invasion.  Bush may never have been impeached for his actions, but at the very least we can’t ever forget the enormity of the crime or its vast cost.

On top of this, of course, he led the country into an open-ended, militarized war on terror that continues to this day.  And let’s not ignore the botched response to Hurricane Katrina, or the fact that he presided over the development and outbreak of the greatest economic downturn since the Great Depression.

But even this is not all of it.  George W.’s words today invoke the many ways he lacks the slightest moral authority to pronounce upon our current political situation not least because they remind various observers of one of the less well-remembered scandals of his White House — the firing of U.S. attorneys in an effort to implement a plan to suppress voting by minorities.  This is the man who today is being praised for assailing Donald Trump’s bigotry — the man whose administration engineered policies abusing the role of the Justice Department, policies that Attorney General Jeff Sessions is now preparing to supercharge in the name of Making America White Again.

And lest you think that his anti-minority attitudes were just in the past — turns out that this week George W. has been campaigning for Ed Gillespie, the Republican candidate for governor of Virginia.  Gillespie is running a Trumpian, anti-immigrant campaign that is widely viewed as a test case of whether such tactics can bring the GOP success in state contests.  

One of the more sickening developments of the past several years, and more so over the past year or two, is the idea that perhaps George W. wasn’t so bad after all.  After all, hey, what about all those naive paintings he does now in his spare time?  And he's a veritable political titan next to Trump, right?  Well, no.  George W. Bush is a failed president whose reputation was perversely protected by how much the country was distracted by trying to clean up his messes, and now by how hideous the next GOP president has turned out to be.  But make no mistake — at least at this point, it is safe to say that George W. Bush inflicted far more damage on the U.S. than Trump has.

Racism and bigotry have been the GOP’s special sauce for decades now.  Donald Trump just brought this out into the open.  When George W. tries to take the moral high ground, it’s to our country’s detriment that his past means that we have one less president who can speak with moral authority at this time of crisis.  And it’s our loss when we lose sight of the fact that not just Donald Trump, but the party that nominated him, has long exploited race to keep Americans divided.  George W. Bush has no further credible role to play in our national politics, except as a reminder of how incuriosity, immorality, and hideously bad judgment can combine to create disasters almost beyond imagining, and how the GOP has long played the race card from the bottom of a dirty deck.

Worldwide Wage Disappointment Highlights Stakes for Real Economic Reform

A recent piece in the New York Times, titled “Global Economy’s Stubborn Reality: Plenty of Work, Not Enough Pay,” highlights what seems to The Hot Screen like a pretty central conundrum and ticking time bomb of the modern world — sluggish wage growth or outright declines in major economies around the world, at a time of relatively high employment when traditional economic models would predict higher wage growth.  The article doesn’t delve into the political ramifications of this phenomenon, but worker insecurity is obviously a foundation stone of the Trumpified world we’re living in, with right-wing movements promoting a closed-border nationalism in combination with various degrees of anti-immigrant sentiment.

This concise article raises far more questions than it answers, but they’re crucial questions.  Are wages stalled because we’re still digging out of the effects of the Great Recession, or did the Great Recession enable or embody a restructuring of the economy that has permanently placed workers at a disadvantage?  With national economies opened to foreign competition, are there any brakes on a race to the bottom when companies have clear and rational economic incentives to hire foreign workers at a fraction of the cost of local and/or unionized workers?   And what’s the point of companies trying to make cheaper products or sitting on their money when it means their workers, who are also consumers, don’t have enough money to spend in order to drive the economy forward?

The article also reminds THS of how important it is to figure out answers to these questions, and for any progressive political party to be able to provide an accurate and compelling narrative about the economy and a path forward that’s grounded in the reality of the global economy — not in the sense of accepting injustice and imbalance, but in identifying what the actual challenges are in order to chart a just course forward.  Donald Trump is telling a story about the economy that has various strains of truth to it, and more importantly, which resonates with many of his supporters’ lived experience of job and wage insecurity.  Big corporations have shipped American jobs to Mexico; immigrants come to America and take our jobs; other countries cheat us on trade, and NAFTA has to go; Obamacare is a drain on the economy; and Trump is going to turn all of this around and make America great again.

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But it isn’t difficult to see that if Donald Trump is wrong about key parts of his diagnosis— and he surely is — it could easily end up making things worse (and this is to say nothing of the immorality of his racist, demagogic tirades against both American and immigrant minorities).  NAFTA may not be a great deal — but now that it’s so deeply embedded in our economy, surely there are better ways of fixing it then just eliminating it outright, with all the economic disruption that will bring to workers and owners alike?  And what if automation has been as significant a factor as trade agreements in the loss of manufacturing jobs?  Needless to say, the president’s silence on the importance of revitalizing unions is deafening, though any honest analysis of economics shows us there’s a crucial need for unions not only in the U.S. but worldwide to help right the inevitable imbalance between laborers and business.     

Progressive politicians need to provide an economic agenda that puts at its center the economic insecurity which exists at the heart of the American economy.  You can only read so many descriptions of hard-working Americans losing their jobs after years of steady employment, through no fault of their own, and of the devastation of their cities, before Donald Trump’s election begins to seem increasingly inevitable.  After all, he told voters a story that resonated with their experience; he, at least, acknowledged their insecurity.  Whether he really meant it, or will do anything about it, are different questions altogether.  Progressives need to fully acknowledge this same downsized economic reality, put forward an accurate and compelling diagnosis, and identify how to make it better.  Not only is it immoral to leave vast swathes of our population to fall down the economic ladder, it’s also a recipe for future Trumps to come along, misdiagnose the roots of our problems, and put forward solutions that just feed the downward spiral. 

Indeed, this is the dark rebuttal to arguments that Trump’s incompetence and shitty policies will lead enough supporters to abandon him, as they begin to feel the real-world effects of his policies.  Instead, it seems nearly as likely that increasingly desperate people could just double-down on Trump and his politics of victimization and vengeance, at least so long as the opposing party seems not to take their struggles seriously or provide an alternative framework for why their prospects have become so tenuous.  Trump, after all, can still blame his opponents for blocking his amazing plans to MAGA.

Will Threat of Nuclear War Spur Decisive Break in Support for Trump? or: How I Learned to Start Worrying and Hate the Bomb

One of the obvious conundrums of the Donald Trump presidency is the disparity in media presence between him and his opponents (not to mention between him and everyone else).  The president’s pronouncements and actions dominate the public sphere like no politician before him.  He can move the national dialogue with a single tweet, a technology that in itself has given him a communications agility we haven’t seen in the White House before.  

It’s fair to say that this media dominance has contributed mightily to a deeply troubling sense among the many, many people who disapprove of his presidency that the man seems simply unstoppable.  This perception is amplified by the sheer volume of bad, horrifying, and/or batshit crazy ideas that continue to slither out of the White House on a daily basis.  An unspoken but broadly-shared hope that both the quantity and (lack of) quality of the presidency would lead to a rupture in his support has not been rewarded; instead, the president’s sheer persistence is in itself deeply disturbing.

Maybe I’m overstating things; maybe I’m discounting the slow slide in his poll numbers, the inevitable toll of his legislative failures on public opinion.  But there are two undeniable, pernicious effects of his media dominance.  The first is that the unprecedented onslaught of political sludge has inevitably weakened our ability to tell the merely godawful from the more life and death stuff.  The second is that it’s encouraged a sense that we are witnessing an unstoppable political force, when what we’re actually witnessing is an unstoppable spectacle.

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At this point, Donald Trump’s incompetent and terrifying handling of North Korea’s nuclear proliferation, his own apparently uninformed and deranged thoughts on nuclear weapons and war, and what we are increasingly learning about his own staff’s fears about his competence, are facts that we need to collectively identify, prioritize, consider, and act on.  More than any other existential challenge of this presidency — the efforts of the Russian government to aid in his election, the possible collusion of the Trump campaign with these efforts, the president’s determination to undermine health care for millions of Americans, his insane denial of climate change and destruction of policies to combat it, his aid and comfort to right-wing extremists across the nation — the fact that a man with the self-control of a toddler and the accumulated rage of a narcissistic 71-year-old is to all appearances driving us to a nuclear confrontation with North Korea needs to be THE subject we are talking about.  It is a conversation that Donald Trump simply cannot be allowed to dominate.

In the past few days, you might say that the worst fears about Trump’s mental and emotional competence are being proven well-founded.  Tennessee Senator Bob Corker has gone on the record to say that not only himself, but virtually all other Republican senators, have serious concerns about the president’s "volatility."  Notably, he asserted that the White House staff is in a continuous hustle to keep the president’s worst impulses in check, and that he fears that the president may be setting the country on a path to World War III.  There has been a report about Trump’s chief of staff John Kelly and Secretary of Defense James Mattis discussing what to do if the president were to suddenly try to launch a nuclear attack, as well as Kelly’s general efforts to “physically sequester” the president, apparently as part of his initiative to bring discipline to the White House.  But as The Atlantic’s David Frum argues, there are huge risks, including to democratic principles, in relying on advisors and generals to provide constraints on a president in the absence of Congress playing its proper role.  We’ve also learned that Secretary of State Rex Tillerson’s remark that Donald Trump is a “fucking moron” was prompted by the president’s frightening and ignorant inquiries about increasing the U.S. nuclear arsenal by almost ten times its current size (questions that the president has subsequently denied asking).  This is to say nothing of the man’s daily demonstrated lack of empathy or sense of shared humanity.

The true lunacy of our situation is not Donald Trump.  It’s that way too many Americans are watching his reality-show presidency as if it were really a reality show; as if his demented actions aren’t already having consequences for their fellow Americans, from his incompetence in marshaling a response to the crisis in Puerto Rico, to this week’s moves to unilaterally gut Obamacare; as if the terrifying nuclear possibilities gathered around him couldn’t become reality; as if they can’t do anything to change things.

There are no easy solutions here.  If there were, people would have already acted on them, and we wouldn’t be at such a perilous place.  The existence of nuclear weapons, and our collective failure to abolish them, are problems that pre-date Donald Trump’s presidency.  We have never fully reckoned with this genocidal power at the country’s disposal, or how it is impossible to reconcile with either democracy or any ethical way of thinking.  After all, the notion that the president could theoretically wipe out another country, or even all life on earth, is a power so far beyond constitutional checks and balances as to make the Constitution null and void.  We have been seeing the consequences of this for the past half century and more, as the rise of the imperial presidency has been abetted by the chief executive's control of this absolute power. 

But at least the idea that a nuclear war might be caused by a deranged political leader has haunted our conscious, collective imagination from the beginning of the nuclear age, and indeed is a key part of the U.S.’s argument for why North Korea should not be allowed to have nukes.  We cannot claim this is a possibility we have never imagined.  

It’s predictable to the point of cliche that Donald Trump might use war to distract the country from his flailing presidency.  We have seen this script before.  George Bush rode 9/11 to re-election, in part by means of wars in two countries from which the U.S. to this day is unable to extract itself.  As Trump continues to fail as president, his incentives to reset the political board by means of radical action will only grow stronger.  And he has the power, doesn’t he?  Isn’t it up to the president to defend the country by whatever means necessary?  Yes, the rationalizations are there for the taking, as they've been for other presidents before him.

It’s time for the American public and its elected representatives to lay down a bright line against presidential war-making.  Democrats Senator Ed Markey and Representative Ted Lieu introduced a bill back in September 2016 to constrain the president from launching a nuclear first strike without a declaration of war from Congress, and this legislation should be passed.  But Congress also needs to make it clear to the president that any military action against North Korea would require a declaration of war.  After all, even conventional military action against a nuclear power means it can escalate to all-out nuclear war, and the Markey-Lieu legislation would be insufficient in that scenario.  And in turn, the American people need to make it clear to Congress that they expect their elected officials to put the brakes on presidential belligerence.  This is a situation we must all turn our attention to, sooner rather than later.